Politics and the Political System of the Ancient Maya

The Mayan civilization flourished in the rainforests of southern Mexico, Guatemala, and Belize, reaching its apex around A.D. 700–900 before falling into a swift and somewhat mysterious decline. The Maya were expert astronomers and traders: they were also literate with a complicated language and their own books. Like other civilizations, the Maya had rulers and a ruling class, and their political structure was complex. Their kings were powerful and claimed to be descended from the gods and the planets. The Mayan City-States The Mayan civilization was large, powerful, and culturally complex: it is often compared to the Incas of Peru and the Aztecs of Central Mexico. Unlike these other empires, however, the Maya never unified. Instead of a mighty empire ruled from one city by one set of rulers, the Maya instead had a series of city-states that only ruled the surrounding area, or some nearby vassal states if they were powerful enough. Tikal, one of the most powerful Mayan city-states, never ruled much farther than its immediate borders, although it did have vassal cities such as Dos Pilas and Copà ¡n. Each of these city-states had its own ruler. Development of Mayan Politics and Kingship The Mayan culture began around 1800 B.C. in the lowlands of the Yucatan and southern Mexico. For centuries, their culture slowly advanced, but as of yet, they had no concept of kings or royal families. It wasnt until the middle to late preclassic periods (300 B.C. or so) that evidence of kings began to appear at certain Mayan sites. The founding king of Tikals first royal dynasty, Yax Ehb Xook, lived sometime in the Preclassic period. By A.D. 300, kings were common, and the Maya began building stelae to honor them: large, stylized stone statues that describe the king, or Ahau, and his accomplishments. The Mayan Kings The Mayan kings claimed descent from the gods and planets, laying claim to a quasi-divine status, somewhere between humans and gods. As such, they lived between two worlds, and wielding â€Å"divine† power was part of their duties. The kings and royal family had important roles at public ceremonies, such as the ball games. They channeled their connection to the gods through sacrifices (of their own blood, of captives, etc.), dance, spiritual trances, and hallucinogenic enemas. Succession was usually patrilineal, but not always. Occasionally, queens ruled when no suitable male of the royal line was available or of age. All kings had numbers that placed them in order from the founder of the dynasty. Unfortunately, this number is not always recorded in the king’s glyphs on stone carvings, resulting on unclear histories of dynastic succession. Life of a Mayan King A Mayan king was groomed from birth to rule. A prince had to pass through many different initiations and rites. As a young man, he had his first bloodletting at the age of five or six. As a young man, he was expected to fight and lead battles and skirmishes against rival tribes. Capturing prisoners, particularly high-ranking ones, was important. When the prince finally became king, the elaborate ceremony included sitting on a jaguar pelt in an elaborate headdress of colorful feathers and seashells, holding a scepter. As king, he was supreme head of the military and was expected to fight and participate in any armed conflicts entered into by his city-state. He also had to participate in many religious rituals, as he was a conduit between humans and the gods. Kings were allowed to take multiple wives. Mayan Palaces Palaces are found at all of the major Mayan sites. These buildings were located in the heart of the city, near the pyramids and temples so important to Maya life. In some cases, the palaces were very large, multistoried structures, which may indicate that a complicated bureaucracy was in place to rule the kingdom. The palaces were homes to the king and the royal family. Many of the king’s tasks and duties were carried out not in the temples but in the palace itself. These events might have included feasts, celebrations, diplomatic occasions, and receiving tribute from vassal states. Classic-Era Mayan Political Structure By the time the Maya reached their Classic Era, they had a well-developed political system. Renowned archaeologist Joyce Marcus believes that by the Late Classic era, the Maya had a four-tiered political hierarchy. At the top were the king and his administration in major cities like Tikal, Palenque, or Calakmul. These kings would be immortalized on stelae, their great deeds recorded forever. Following the main city were a small group of vassal city-states, with lesser nobility or a relative of the Ahau in charge: these rulers did not merit stelae. After that were affiliated villages, large enough to have rudimentary religious buildings and ruled by minor nobility. The fourth tier consisted of hamlets, which were all or mostly residential and devoted to agriculture. Contact with Other City-States Although the Maya were never a unified empire like the Incas or Aztecs, the city-states nevertheless had much contact. This contact facilitated cultural exchange, making the Maya much more unified culturally than politically. Trade was common. The Maya traded in prestige items like obsidian, gold, feathers, and jade. They also traded in food items, particularly in later eras as the major cities grew too large to support their population. Warfare was also common: skirmishes to take slaves and victims for sacrifice were common, and all-out wars not unheard of. Tikal was defeated by rival Calakmul in 562, causing a century-long hiatus in its power before it reached its former glory once again. The powerful city of Teotihuacan, just north of present-day Mexico City, wielded great influence on the Mayan world and even replaced the ruling family of Tikal in favor of one more friendly to their city. Politics and the Decline of the Maya The Classic Era was the height of the Mayan civilization culturally, politically, and militarily. Between A.D. 700 and 900, however, the Maya civilization began a swift and irreversible decline. The reasons the Mayan society fell are still a mystery, but theories abound. As the Maya civilization grew, warfare between city-states grew as well: entire cities were attacked, defeated, and destroyed. The ruling class grew as well, placing a strain on the working classes, which may have resulted in civil strife. Food became a problem for some Maya cities as the population grew. When trade could no longer make up the differences, hungry citizens may have revolted or fled. The Mayan rulers might have avoided some of these calamities. Source McKillop, Heather. The Ancient Maya: New Perspectives. Reprint edition, W. W. Norton Company, July 17, 2006.

Childhood Depression And Its Effects On Women - 845 Words

Depression is more prevalent, and suicides are more common for women across the world (Koshy, 2016); India, is no exception. Lifetime depression is estimated at 5-12% for men, but significantly higher for women at 10-25% (Bohra, Srivastava, Bhatia, 2015). Women are not only more prone to depression and suicide because of hormonal changes, but also social stigma and pressures, as well as events that are exclusive to women (Bose, 2015). Events such as childbirth and expectations in marriage provide many possible opportunities to develop depression. With marriage, comes domestic violence, a common precursor to depression. According to the Indian Journal of Psychiatry (Bohra, Srivastava, Bhatia, 2015), domestic violence affects a fourth to half of women in India during a point in their lifetime. In addition, most women who develop depression usually develop symptoms around childbearing age. Divorced or widowed women, however, have higher rates of depression than married women. Unfortun ately, although the majority of cases of depression are treatable, there are limited resources within the country. Finding treatment for mental illness is difficult in India. According to Huffington Post, â€Å"Nearly half of those with severe mental disease aren t treated and of those with less severe versions, nearly 9 in 10 go uncared for† (Koshy, 2016). The government of India recorded that 1 in 5 people in the country need some form of psychological or psychiatric counseling, yet it isShow MoreRelatedLong Term Effects of Childhood Separation Anxiety1230 Words   |  5 Pagesï » ¿Long-Term Effects of Childhood Separation Anxiety Abstract This report delves into the connection between childhood separation anxiety disorder and the long-term implications that it may have. To understand the connections I preformed secondary research through â€Å"Academic Search Complete†. 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Symbolism of the Island Free Essays

The Island Major Joe Ridge View High School English 1 Mrs. Walker December 17, 2012 There are many different symbols in the book Lord of the Flies. Some of the symbols represent peace and some represent war. We will write a custom essay sample on Symbolism of the Island or any similar topic only for you Order Now Some of the characters themselves represent different symbols. The item of symbolism that stood out the most was the island itself. The island itself is an excellent item of symbolism because it uses the boys themselves to convey what it stands for thus almost making itself seem alive. The island represents peace, atavism, the struggle to hang on to civilization, life, and the struggle to hang on to humanity. The island itself stands for peace. It shows this through Simon. The special place in the jungle where Simon went shows the peaceful part of the island. There is not much of it but it is there hidden by all of the confusion other factors at work. â€Å"He came to a last place where more sunshine fell. Since they had not so far to go for light the creepers had woven a great mat that hung at the side of an open space in the jungle; for here a patch of rock came close to the surface and would not allow more than little plants and ferns to grow. The whole space was walled with dark aromatic bushes, and was a bowl of heat and light. A great Tree, fallen across one corner, leaned against the trees that still stood and rapid climber flaunted red and yellow sprays right to the top† (Golding 56). Simon found that place peaceful and beautiful. He goes there in the middle of the night just to escape the atavistic character of the island itself which is portrayed through the forest and Jack. The island also shows atavism through the forest and through Jack. Throughout the story the boys continued referring back to creepers â€Å"I can’t hardly move with all these creeper things† (Golding 7). Creepers are like vines that climb up tree trunks and grow across open patches of ground. They cover up the trees and ground and make it hard for the tree or the ground to get sunlight or water. The vines take the water from the trees so that they can survive in the conditions of the island. Jack and his hunters do similarly the same thing with the pigs. The boys engulf the pig with their presence and beat it to death making it nearly impossible for them to escape the rancorous attacks and also making it nearly impossible for the pigs to breed and fill the island with wildlife and swine. The island also portrays life. For this it uses the open space that Simon found and the fire. When Simon found his special part of the island, he noticed that the creepers did not grow there allowing the fruit trees and the flowers to grow there abundantly. The fire also symbolizes the life of not only the island but the life of the boys’ morale and hope of going home again. â€Å"The fire was dead. They saw the straightaway; saw what they had really known down on the beach when the smoke of home had beckoned. The fire was out, smokeless and dead; the watchers were gone. A pile of unused fuel lay ready,† (Golding 67-68). The boys saw a ship passing by in the distance when they found out that the fire was dead. At that moment Ralph called an assembly. Jack and his hunters came from the forest with a pig. Ralph told Jack about the fire and the ship but the only thing the Jack was concentrated on was how he and his hunters managed to capture the pig. The Island also represents the struggle to hang on to civilization. The Island shows this through the scar that the plane left when it crashed. The entire island is in order with creepers and trees making an attempt to grow everywhere. The beach is sandy and the lagoon is not too far from the beach everything on the island was neat and in order. The plane crashed it left a scar that left a path of burned creepers fallen trees and overturned dirt and debris. The rocks on the island also had a role in breaking the rope of civilization. When Piggy’s glasses broke they fell on a rock after Jack smacked them off of Piggy’s face. â€Å"Ralph made a step forward and Jack smacked Piggy’s head. Piggy’s glasses flew off and tinkled on the rocks. Piggy cried out in terror: ‘My specs! ’†¦ ‘One side’s broken† (Golding 71). At that moment in the book the normal world’s idea of civilization went out of the window and Jack’s idea took over. Ralph and piggy both wanted to keep the island as civilized as possible. Piggy gave ralph the idea to blow the conch and try to call all the boys to one central location. While resting on the mountain he realized the conditions of himself and the other boys on the island: With the memory of his sometime clean self as a standard, Ralph looked them over. They were dirty, not with the spectacular dirt of boys who have fallen into mud or been brought down hard on a rainy day. Not one of them was an obvious subject for a shower, and yet—hair much too long, tangled here and there, knotted round a dead leaf or a twig; faces cleaned fairly well by the process of eating and sweating but marked in the less accessible angles with a kind of shadow; clothes, worn away, stiff like his own with sweat, put on, not for decorum or comfort but out of custom; the skin of the body, scurfy with brine— He discovered with a little fall of heart that these were to conditions he took as normal now and that he did not mind, (Golding 110). This realization from Ralph shows that he misses the rest of the world and that being shut off from the rest of the world gave him and even stronger need to try to restore civilization on the island. The island also symbolizes the struggle to hang on to the humanity of the island. Before the boys came to island the pigs had no real enemy that was known. The boys were the same way. When the boys were luckily landed on the island the pig’s predator became Jack and his hunters. It was easy for Jack to find his first pig but not as easy for him to kill it. The second time he carried out his task. As the story continues Jack has to go through different procedures and tricks in order to find a pig. He painted his face, he crawled around on the ground following a pig slide and pig droppings. He ends up killing pigs almost every day for the group. The pigs adapt to Jack’s ways and try to avoid him. When Jack killed the mother sow, the amount of humanity left on the island was in question. â€Å"Rodger found a lodgment for his point and began to push till he was leaning with his whole weight. The spear moved forward inch by inch†¦ ‘Right up her ass! ’† (Golding 135). The island was the most important symbol in the book. Without the island and the natural features of it then one may not think that the island could stand for anything other than an uninhabited graveyard for an assortment of young boys. In order to really see the significance of the island one needs to look closely at the events that happen and where they happen in the book. The island talked to the reader through the characters of the story. Each character represented a different trait of the island. Jack was the fear of the island, Piggy was the gentle side, Ralph was the firm part of the island, and Simon was the peace on the island. There are many other situations like this in many other stories, one just has to pay attention and open their eyes. References Golding, W. (1954). Lord of the Flies. Salisbury, England: Faber and Faber. How to cite Symbolism of the Island, Papers

Is sociology value free Essay Example For Students

Is sociology value free Essay Value neutrality is a term used by Weber to indicate the necessary objectivity researchers need when investigating problems in the social sciences. Weber also cautioned against the making of value judgements which coincide with the orientation or motives of the researcher. It is important to note that although Weber believed that value neutrality was the aim of research, his view was that no science is fundamentally neutral and its observational language is never independent of the way individuals see phenomena and the questions they ask about them (Morrison 1995 pp.267, 347) It is this link between the researchers theoretical stand and the methods adopted that raises the question as to whether sociology can be value free. What are the arguments for and against the possibility of value free sociology? Is the answer to be found in the design of research methods? Or is all knowledge a cultural product in that what a society defines as knowledge reflects the values of that society, therefore making value free science the aim but not the achievable goal of sociology? Indeed, is the concept of value free sociology of value itself raising the notion of there being merit in a value plus sociology? This concept of value free sociology has its roots in the ris e of positivism and the scientific method in the mid nineteenth century. Positivists believed that discovering laws of social development would create a better society. A key figure in the establishing of sociology as a respectable science was Comte (1798-1857). Comte looked at human progress and decided that there are three stages to the evolutionary growth of knowledge; Each of our leading conceptions, each branch of our knowledge, passes successively through three different theoretical conditions: the Theological or fictitious: the Metaphysical or abstract: and the Scientific or positive In the final, the positive state the mindapplies itself to the study of their laws that is, their invariable relations of succession and resemblance. (Comte 1830 The Philosophy of Sociology in Thompson 1995 p. 39-40) Comte argued that the human mind develops through these three distinct phases that were inevitable and, therefore, a fact of historical development. From the final stage, the positive in which causes are explained by scientific laws, came the movement known as positivist. Positivism came to be associated with progress and social reform. All disciplines had a historical imperative to develop away from the speculative to the positive stage, thus marking their scientific statue. (Morrison 1995 pp.24-25) In two key areas positivism differed from idealism: first it put great emphasis on the reliability of observation as the basis for theory, and secondly emphasis was laid on the search for factual regularities. Comte argued that this would lead to the formation of general laws. Observation became the central criterion of verification, verification to the formulation of laws, and these laws to the subject of repeated test in order to establish their legitimacy (Morrison 1995 pp.24-25) Observation requires an observer. And it is here, at the heart of the positivist method, where human observes human, that the issue of value neutrality comes to the fore. The positivist tradition concentrates on producing objective data, most often in the form of statistics. This quantative data is then subjected to analysis and causal correlations are established. An example would be Blauner (Alienation and Freedoms 1964 in McNeill 1990) It was hypothesized that different levels of alienation are causally linked with different types of industrial processes. After operationalising the concept of alienation, its presence was measured in different industrial contexts. The main priority was that there be no suspicion that the collected data had been affected by the researchers own values. It should be possible for other researchers to use the same methods and arrive at similar conclusions (McNeil1 1990 p.117-8) Developments in positivism in the twentieth century led to the belief that facts could and should be separated from values. The job of the scientist was only to identify scientific laws (McNeil1 1990 p.129) However, Weber, in his Methodology of The Social Sciences, points out that all knowledge of cultural reality. ..is always from particular points of view. Weber also asserted that there can be no such thing as an absolutely objective scientific analysis of culture or. ..of social phenomena independent of special and one-sided viewpoints according to which.. .they are selected, analysed and organised for expository purposes (Weber 1949 pp.S1.W2) What Weber is saying is that facts cannot speak for themselves. Social facts do not exist in their own right; what counts as a social fact is greatly determined by the moral spectacles through which we view the world ( Parkin 1986 pp. 30-31) If pure social reality, perceived by emptying the mind of all presupposition, is deemed incredible, how can sociology attain to value neutrality if its methods are biased by the observers own preconception and values? The balance advocated by Weber proves to be rather limited. Although a teacher could proclaim the results of an investigation that same teacher should refrain from using this as an opportunity to disseminate his own views. Weber was of the opinion that sociologists could distinguish between empirical knowledge and value judgements (Weber in Parkin 1986 pp. Eyes Of The Dragon Essay Gouldner concluded his questions with this analysis, I fear that there are many sociologists today who, in conceiving social science to be value-free, mean widely different things, that many hold these beliefs dogmatically without having examined seriously the grounds upon which they are credible. Webers own views on the relation between values and the social sciences, and some current today are scarcely identical. If Weber insisted on the need to maintain scientific objectivity, he also warned that this was altogether different from moral indifference (Gouldner 1973 p.6) Sociologists are themselves implicated by the events in society upon which they study. Total freedom from values would therefore be impossible without the total removal of the sociologist from society itself. After the conservatism of the post-war boom years and the decline of functionalism, sociology became increasingly fragmented. Society changes quickly and sociology can often be seen as self-reflexive and the methods of understanding it need to change to keep up. Fragmented approaches to society include feminism, neo-Marxism, structuralism and postmodemism. Sociology can no longer be called a fixed discipline with these values and concepts feeding into it. Mills, in his The Sociological Imagination, critiqued functionalist and power elites. One of his conclusions has the paradox of sociology since the 1960s to be critical and thought provoking or to be quietly empirical and merely provide value-free information on what is happening in society. Of late the conception of social science I hold has not been ascendant. My conception stands opposed to social science as a set of bureaucratic techniques which inhibit inquiry by methodological pretensions, which congest such work by obscurantist conceptions (Mi1ls 1970 p. 27) Mills asks sociologists to question their methods and, importantly, why they are using those methods, what results are they aiming for? If it is to stay in favour with the powers that be, then that type of sociology can not be free from values no matter the assertions of the sociologists involved. Finally a brief look at sources and their degrees of value involvement. Primary sources, that is information produced through research, interviews observation and participant observation are some examples. Questionnaires are a common method employed to amass data. The drawbacks include the need to be very specific about the types of questions asked. People are self-conscious and interactive making asking any questions problematic. People have prejudices and can misinterpret the questions. People also tend to say what they think the interviewer wants them to say. This is an example of the Hawthorn effect. Interviews also are affected by this phenomena, and again the questions need to be very carefully structured so that the same questions can be asked of many groups of people and balanced quantifiable data extracted. These questions need to allow for interviewer bias. Participant observation requires that the researcher live among the group under study. The problem with this approach is that the researcher tends to identify with the group failing to remain sufficiently distanced. This results in the researcher taking on board the groups values and thus colouring the research. Secondary sources must be used with care. It is important to be aware of where the information comes from and to remember that some sources are more valid than others (Osborne 1996 pp. 131-7). In conclusion any sociology claiming to be entirely value free must be treated as suspect. The approach recommended by Weber is that the researcher needs to be honest about personal values and beliefs and recognise that these will come into play during the selection of the study topic, but to ensure that the methods are applied with neutrality. It is also recognised that modern sociology has become fragmented into many interest areas. This is a recognition that there is no single reality common to all that can be discovered. But if it is recognised that that the topic for research study is value relevant and that the methods applied are free from personal bias, then it can be said that this sociology is value free. This is not a total value freeness but it is relatively value free given that all the value relevant factors are accounted for. This must be balanced by the argument that sociological research is inevitably directed by values which are cultural products. Therefore the knowledge obtained is also a cultural product. So what a society defines as knowledge is a reflection of that societies values, just as another society and culture will accord other things as knowledge. Finally there is the moral issue raised by Mills, among others, of what uses the sociologists research results are put to. These are value-issues that must be considered and dealt with just as vigorously as the value issues pertaining to the generation of sociological knowledge. Bibliography:BIBLIOGRAPHY: Gouldner, A.W. (1973) For Sociology: Renewal and Critique,in Sociology Today Penguin Harmondsworth. McNeill(1990) Research Methods, Routledge London. Mills, C.W. (1970) The-sociological Imagination, Penguin Harmondsworth. Morrison, K. (1995) Marx, Durkheim, Weber, Sage London. Parkin, F. (1986) Max Weber, Routledge London. Thompson, K. (1995) Key Quotations in Sociology, Routledge London. Weber, M. (1949) The Methodology of the Social Sciences, Free Press New York. 2,549 words